Dear citizens,
Today, I stand before you to present my stance on the martial law declaration.
Currently, the opposition party is claiming that the declaration of martial law constitutes treason and is causing chaos.
Is that really the case?
Who, in fact, is currently disrupting the government and violating the constitution in South Korea?
For the past two and a half years, the large opposition party has refused to recognize the president elected by the people and has relentlessly called for his resignation and impeachment.
They have refused to accept the results of the presidential election.
Since the election, there have been 178 rallies calling for the president’s resignation and impeachment. These rallies have been held from the early days of his term.
In an attempt to paralyze the president’s ability to govern, the opposition has pushed for the impeachment of dozens of government officials since the government’s inception.
Even though these officials had done nothing wrong, their duties were suspended for extended periods, from the filing of the impeachment to the final ruling.
Before impeachment was proposed, many public officials resigned on their own initiative.
This abuse of impeachment has paralyzed the government.
The opposition party has impeached ministers, the chairman of the Korea Communications Commission, the Auditor General who investigated their wrongdoings, and even prosecutors. They have intimidated judges.
This is an act of shielding their wrongdoings through “shielding impeachment,” completely undermining public discipline and the rule of law.
Moreover, they have repeatedly proposed unconstitutional special prosecutors’ bills 27 times, launching political campaigns.
They have even pushed for self-amnesty laws, allowing criminals to grant themselves immunity from prosecution.
The National Assembly, controlled by the large opposition party, has become a monster that destroys not the foundation of free democracy, but the constitutional order of free democracy.
What else could this be but a paralysis of government and a national crisis?
But that is not all.
Now, the large opposition party is threatening national security and social safety.
For example, in June, three Chinese nationals were caught flying drones to photograph the U.S. aircraft carrier docked in Busan. Their smartphones and laptops revealed photos of South Korean military facilities taken over the course of at least two years.
Last month, a Chinese national in his 40s was caught using a drone to photograph the National Intelligence Service.
This person went straight to the National Intelligence Service upon entering Korea, confirming that he had engaged in this activity.
However, current laws do not allow foreign spies to be punished for espionage.
To prevent this, I attempted to amend the espionage provisions in the criminal law, but the large opposition party strongly blocked this effort.
Not only did the previous administration strip the National Intelligence Service of its authority to investigate national security cases, but they are also attempting to abolish the National Security Law.
Does this mean we should not capture spies who threaten national security?
Despite North Korea’s illegal nuclear weapons development and missile provocations, GPS jamming, and balloon incidents, the large opposition party has not only sympathized with North Korea but also relentlessly smeared the government that is working to respond.
They even argue that the UN sanctions against North Korea should be lifted because of North Korea’s illegal nuclear development.
Which country’s political party and national assembly is this?
The budget for next year’s special criminal investigations and special activities in the prosecution and police forces has been slashed to zero.
These funds are crucial for investigating financial fraud, crimes targeting vulnerable groups, drug crimes, and national security cases.
They have drastically reduced funds for addressing drug-related crimes and deepfake crimes.
They are obstructing investigations into social crimes, including drug cartels and organized crime.
Are these people trying to turn South Korea into a haven for spies, a drug den, and a gangster nation?
These are the anti-national forces who are trying to destroy the country.
Meanwhile, they increased the National Assembly’s budget to maintain their privileges.
The economy is also in a state of emergency.
The large opposition party is attempting to extinguish South Korea’s economic growth engines.
Looking at the budget cuts proposed by the Democratic Party, we can see this clearly.
They cut the budget for supporting the nuclear power industry ecosystem, reducing the budget for exporting Czech nuclear power by 90%. They nearly eliminated the budget for developing next-generation nuclear power.
They also drastically slashed budgets for future growth engines like basic scientific research, quantum technology, semiconductors, and biotechnology.
The budget for exploring the East Sea gas fields, the so-called “Great Whale Project,” has been essentially eliminated.
They also slashed funding for youth job support, child asset building for vulnerable groups, and child care subsidies.
The innovation growth fund for creating industrial ecosystems and support for small and medium-sized enterprises has also been cut.
They reduced the contingency fund for disaster management by one trillion won and slashed research and development budgets for pandemic preparedness, including vaccine development.
Thus, South Korea is in a state of government paralysis and social disorder, with the normal functioning of administrative and judicial systems rendered impossible due to the legislative dictatorship and reckless actions of the large opposition party.
Dear citizens,
You are likely already aware of much of what I have shared.
However, there have been even more serious issues that I have been unable to disclose until now, which led to my decision to declare martial law.
In the second half of last year, there was a hacking attack on constitutional institutions and government agencies, including the National Election Commission, by North Korea. The National Intelligence Service detected this and tried to check for data leaks and ensure the safety of the computer systems.
All other agencies agreed to the National Intelligence Service’s inspection under their observation, but the Election Commission, citing its status as a constitutional institution, stubbornly refused.
When a large-scale hiring scandal at the Election Commission surfaced and it was subject to audit and investigation, they relented and agreed to the National Intelligence Service’s inspection, but only allowed a partial inspection of their systems.
However, this partial inspection revealed a grave situation. When a National Intelligence Service employee tried to hack into the system, it was clear that data manipulation was possible and there was virtually no firewall.
The passwords were extremely simple, like “12345.”
The security management company was small and lacked professional expertise.
As president, I was shocked when I received this report from the National Intelligence Service.
How could the electoral system, the core of democracy, be in such a chaotic state? How can citizens trust election results when the system is so poorly managed?
Although the Election Commission participated in the National Intelligence Service’s security check, it kept repeating that they had not manipulated any data.
As a constitutional institution, the Election Commission is difficult to investigate with a search warrant, making it virtually impossible to determine the truth if they do not cooperate.
I requested improvements for the problematic areas before the April 2024 general election, but it is unclear whether any significant changes were made.
That is why I ordered the Minister of National Defense to inspect the Election Commission’s computer systems.
Recently, when the large opposition party, the Democratic Party, attempted to impeach the Auditor General and the Chief Prosecutor investigating their wrongdoings, I realized that I could no longer stand by and watch.
I decided that something had to be done.
It was clear that they would soon bring the same impeachment threat to the judiciary.
This led me to consider declaring martial law.
Although the large opposition party has repeatedly abused its constitutional powers to take unconstitutional actions, I decided to exercise my presidential powers within the framework of the constitution.
I declared martial law in response to the current paralyzing crisis and social unrest that was leading to the collapse of administrative and judicial functions, in order to warn the public about the anti-national behavior of the opposition and to restore the nation’s constitutional order.
In fact, after the martial law was lifted on December 4, the Democratic Party agreed to postpone the impeachment of the Auditor General and the Chief Prosecutor, indicating that the short-lived martial law had some effect.
However, just two days later, they proceeded with impeachment anyway, attempting to nullify the justification for martial law.
From the outset, I had instructed the Minister of National Defense to use the format of martial law not to crush the opposition but to communicate the crisis to the public and urge them to stop.
I deployed a small number of troops only to maintain order and stated that they would be withdrawn immediately if the National Assembly voted to lift martial law.
When the National Assembly voted to lift the martial law, I ordered the withdrawal of troops right away.
The small number of troops deployed at the National Assembly for a brief period was never meant to dissolve the National Assembly or paralyze its function.
I gave instructions to maintain normal operations at the National Assembly and to avoid any disruptions to broadcast transmissions.
The soldiers deployed were elite non-commissioned officers and officers to ensure safety and avoid any casualties.
This was a necessary emergency measure to protect the democratic order, but it was carried out with utmost caution and with minimal impact.
Despite claims to the contrary, there was no intention to use military force to suppress the National Assembly.
Those who are trying to frame me with false accusations of treason and remove me from office are doing so because the leader of the opposition party is facing imminent conviction.
Through impeachment, they are trying to escape responsibility and force an early election.
This is the real threat to our constitutional order.
Whether they impeach me or investigate me, I will stand firm.
I have already stated that I will not avoid legal or political responsibility in relation to the declaration of martial law.
Since taking office, I have never been concerned about personal popularity or maintaining my position. If I were focused on preserving my office, I would have avoided confronting forces that are undermining the constitution.
But I could not turn my back on the will of the people who elected me.
I have fought against legislative overreach and authoritarianism, not for my own position but for the protection of South Korea’s democracy and the constitutional order.
This was a necessary decision as president, and it cannot be regarded as treason.
The martial law declaration was an extreme but essential measure taken to restore stability, prevent national security threats, and restore the rule of law.
I am resolute in my conviction that this was the right decision for the country’s future.
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